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HOW TO DESIGN A BETTER HACKATHON FOR ALL

HOW TO DESIGN A BETTER HACKATHON FOR ALL

As facilitators working with a vulnerable population, we could have better anticipated and mitigated the chilling effect of the media. Here are seven things organizers can do to better protect privacy during a workshop.

I don't want to be photographed. (Josh Levinger)

Civic hackathons, those technology-driven sprints for good, are both popular and potentially problematic. They can be exciting, stirring passions around important social issues. They offer the promise of improving lives. But they also risk squandering resources, producing tools that are often quickly abandoned, or at worst create unintended harm.

common and valid criticism of hackathons is that they often rely on technologists with little or inaccurate knowledge of the selected cause.

Ask a bunch of upper-middle-class 20-somethings to improve access to healthy food, and you’ll invariably end up with a grocery store map. A person living in a food desert might have instead pointed out that the barriers to healthier eating are logistical, economic, and cultural, not purely informational. A food justice advocate might have suggested advancing substantial policy changes for long term gains. But at most hackathons—which generally run between six hours to a full weekend—time feels too short for such deep dives, and the need to produce a product can take priority over making sustainable impacts.

Making effective use of a hackathon’s focused, skilled, and cheap labor requires a more informed and humble approach. Anticipating this, some organizers recruit and engage participants with experiences that can inform the technical work. This focus on listening, questioning, and context is a great evolution, but, especially when dealing with sensitive issues and vulnerable populations, it introduces new risks.

Last month, I facilitated a portion of the Refugee Hackathon in Berlin, Germany. The event spanned three days, gathering nearly 300 developers and refugees to exchange ideas and create tools that ease the experience of being a refugee in Germany. It was the perfect combination of pertinent politics and optimistic technology; in short, it was a total media spectacle.

A key strength of the hackathon was the involvement of people with actual refugee experience—people who either were themselves refugees to Germany or who volunteer with newcomers. Theirs’ was a unique and powerful story, and its retelling has influence beyond one humble hackathon. But as the event unfolded, it became clear that maintaining a safe space for these vulnerable people to fully participate conflicted with the media presence.

The image of the noble technologist uplifting the helpless refugee (to apply a lazy stereotype) supports valuable narratives for many. The technologists get to look like heroes, with a new project for their portfolios. The event organizers receive attention for their popular event, which bolsters their credentials. Members of the media profit directly from collecting interviews and photos, as this is their job. But also indirectly, the mainstream German community benefits as it consumes this positive coverage, allowing them to feel like the crisis is being addressed.

Media coverage for a feel-good event is good for many, but how does it affect the people this event was intended to support—in this case, the refugees? Many participated on the explicit understanding that they would not be named, photographed, or filmed. These people came to Berlin to escape violence, leaving friends and family back home. I heard from several individuals worried that if those violent actors could identify them as having fled, friends and family they left behind would become targets. As facilitators, it was our duty to manage these priorities and craft an appropriate space.

We offered a “photo opt out” system. We provided red stickers, which, if put on a name tag, identified the individual as someone who did not consent to being photographed. We posted several signs explaining this system at registration and around the workshop spaces in four languages and with language-agnostic iconography. The facilitators took several opportunities to remind the room not to photograph people with red stickers. We asked the individuals with privacy concerns to raise their hands so everyone would know to avoid them in photos.

We also instructed the group that we would be following Chatham House Rules:

When a meeting, or part thereof, is held under the Chatham House Rule, participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed.

These rules are very popular at workshops where delicate information is to be shared, because it allows people to engage fully in the conversation.

In spite of these precautions, we still encountered several instances of worrisome media behavior. Some reporters were very respectful, chatting easily and maintaining a comfortable atmosphere. Others either missed the precautionary notices, or simply chose to disregard them. Eventually, two core issues emerged: obtaining informed consent and minimizing disruptions.

With so many media seeking group photos, the red sticker opt-out system quickly became difficult to enforce. When photographers did seek consent, the consent was not always informed.

One incident occurred when a reporter invited a French-speaking refugee to be photographed. Echoing a broader issue of underestimated diversity among Germany’s refugees, we had not anticipated the need to support French translation, so communicating with these refugees was problematic. The refugee asked where the photos would appear, the volunteer translator used his basic French to communicate an answer, and the refugee left with the reporter. Interestingly, the translator was not invited, because the journalist had no interest in what his subject had to say. Instead, the reporter posed the man outside for a few generic photos of a downcast refugee. Later, the refugee became concerned: he had understood that the photographer worked for the event organizers and did not want his photos published by a reporter. The translator flagged down a facilitator, and the photographer ultimately relented and deleted the photos. Effectively, the refugee hadn’t known what he was consenting to do, and the photographer hadn’t been clear about the potential consequences.

Even among the main language groups, the conspicuous cameras and frequent requests to “borrow” refugees and project managers led to constant disruptions. Remember: the explicit purpose of this workshop was to learn about the refugee experience firsthand from the refugees, identifying specific requirements and possible interventions. Allowing press to coerce participants into being “shared” soured the mood for many, and reduced the effectiveness of the event overall. The refugees weren’t the only ones visibly uncomfortable with the media presence—twice I overheard conversations among developers abruptly conclude or shift when a large television camera rolled up.

As facilitators, we could have better anticipated and mitigated the chilling effect of these reporters, writers, and photographers. Learning from these experiences, here are seven things organizers can do to protect privacy during a workshop.

      1. Offer an opt-out indicator that is very visible. We gave out stickers. We asked people opting out to raise their hands in front of the group. We gave polite but firm reminders when we saw violations. But still, we ended up spending a lot of time enforcing this system, instead of focusing on facilitating better outcomes. Our tiny stickers could have been much bigger. We could have given out red t-shirts, or at least a different color lanyards.

         

        These identifiers should be visible if their wearer is across the room or turned away, and they should stand out in accidental photographs to ensure proper deletion.

      2. Ensure consent is both sought and informed every time. If there’s a risk the meaning isn’t wholly understood, take the time to find a better explanation. All photos can wait.
      3. Discourage people from opting out of photos for solidarity. This one is controversial, and deserves discussion. Everyone should want to support people who need to opt-out from photography, but as I experienced it, we can’t do that by diminishing the seriousness of those requests. I attended an event years ago where only one person opted out. We paused to wave at him, and he stood behind the camera for group photos. Because he was easy to remember, we all scanned the room to find him before taking any photo, ever. We made it easier to take safe photos by reducing the number of people to actively avoid photographing.
      4. As a participant, support opt-out requests. If someone prefers not to be photographed, actively locate them as being outside your frame before snapping a photo. Keep an eye out for cameras at the event, and help review photos on social media later. If you see a consent violation, either intervene politely and firmly, or seek out a facilitator.
      5. As a facilitator, empower your team both to enforce privacy requests and minimize disruptions. You want your participants to feel comfortable handling or reporting issues, and you want your team to feel comfortable taking appropriate action.
      6. Allow for non-disruptive media engagement. If you expect a media presence, carve out time, space, or people where press can safely participate. Media access does not need to be a default.
      7. Anticipate how skewed media access could misrepresent your event. A few of our participants arrived with fully formed projects, and put the time we dedicated to listening to refugees towards courting the media. As a result, projects with the least refugee input came to occupy a disproportionate amount of exposure from the refugee-legitimized event.

Hackathons can be fun, inspiring, or challenging, and it’s natural for people to want to capture these experiences. As the hackathon model continues to evolve, and acknowledges the diversity of experiences needed for success, privacy and safety must become key operating principles.

Ruth Miller is a facilitator, interaction designer, and researcher based in Oakland, California.

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CRUSHING IT

CRUSHING IT

Bush would redo internet regulation; calling for an Independent Order of Oddfellows; and more.

  • Tech and the presidentials: Tech policy hasn’t really surfaced yet as an issue in the presidential campaign, but during last night’s Republican debate, rising contender Marco Rubio did say this: “It took the telephone 75 years to reach 100 million users. It took Candy Crush one year to reach 100 million users. [Laughter.] So the world is changing faster than ever, and it is disruptive.” Rubio, who opposes net neutrality, wasn’t asked how he thought the next Candy Crush would grow that rapidly if we lose the open internet.

  • Rival Floridian Jeb Bush had this to say about that issue, kind of: “On the regulatory side I think we need to repeal every rule that Barack Obama has in terms of work in progress, every one of them. And start over. For those that are already in existence, the regulation of the internet, we have to start over, but we ought to do that.”

  • As a co-sponsor of last night’s debate, Facebook got mentioned ten times, either as a source of an anodyne question from a random user or as the source of some vague data about obvious issues Americans are talking about. Each time, though, Facebook got mentioned, making the evening a successful night for product placement.

  • “Internet startup founders represent an entirely distinct, libertarian-like ideology within the Democratic party,” writes Gregory Ferenstein in The Guardian. “Tech startup founders see the government as an investor in citizens, rather than as a protector from capitalism.”

  • This is civic tech: Writing for Civicist, Ruth Miller draws on her experience facilitating part of the Refugee Hackathon in Berlin to urge that more attention be paid to the impact of media attention on the vulnerable populations civic hackers may be trying to help.

  • Writing for Quartz, Pascal-Emmanuel Gobry riffs on Nick Grossman and Elizabeth Woyke’s new (and free to download) e-book, “Serving Workers in the Gig Economy,” and suggests that new platforms that help gig workers band together don’t go far enough. Instead, he argues for a return to a pre-New Deal solution to the insecurities of work: forming mutual aid societies “such as the Independent Order of Oddfellows or the United Order of True Reformer. Members paid dues in exchange for access to a wide range of services, based on the principle of reciprocity: today’s donor might be tomorrow’s recipient.”

  • Opening government: The U.S. Commerce Department now has its own Data Service, Hallie Golden reports for NextGov.

  • OpenDataSoft has built a list of 1600-plus open data portals around the world.

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PULSES

PULSES

The US agency that spent 10 years & a billion dollars on one online form; Facebook on the GOP; and more.

  • Why can’t we be friends? President Obama just launched his own Facebook page, because, apparently, the Barack Obama Facebook page isn’t his, it just belongs to a politician with the same name and 45 million followers.

  • Tech and the campaign: Data from Facebook about interest in the GOP presidential candidates shows, more or less, what someone not looking at Facebook but paying attention to the conventional wisdom about the race might surmise, as Natalie Andrews, Dante Chinni and Brian McGill report for the Wall Street Journal: Donald Trump’s dominating position is weakening somewhat; Ben Carson is “a steady second”; Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio got a bump in interest after the last Republican debate; and Jeb Bush is struggling to catch on.

  • Paging 18F: The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has spent more than ten years and over a billion dollars trying to switch over to a digital system for managing immigration applications and records, and so far has just one online form to show for it, Jerry Markon reports for the Washington Post.

  • New on Civicist: Jessica McKenzie reports on the growth of GovDelivery, which just passed the 100 million users mark, with an in-depth exclusive interview with CEO Scott Burns.

  • The future of work: A coalition of start-ups, VCs, labor advocates and policy wonks have published a joint letter calling for new approaches to supporting contract workers—the type of people working in the “on-demand” economy—that would enable them to get benefits like worker’s compensation, retirement savings or sick leave through more portable vehicles, Cecilia Kang reports for the New York Times. The signers include Brad Burnham of Union Square Ventures; Chad Dickerson, the CEO of Etsy; Marina Gorbis and Natalie Foster of the Institute for the Future; Logan Green and John Zimmer, the co-founders of Lyft; Nick Hanauer of Second Avenue Partners; Sara Horowitz, the founder of the Freelancers Union; Michelle Miller, co-founder or Coworker.org; Tim O’Reilly, founder of O’Reilly Media; Carmen Rojas, CEO of The Workers Lab; Anne-Marie Slaughter, President of New America; and Andy Stern, the President Emeritus of the SEIU.

  • Today’s “whither democracy” must-read: “Pollsters rose to prominence by claiming that measuring public opinion is good for democracy. But what if it’s bad?” That’s the core question running through historian Jill Lepore’s trenchant report for the New Yorker on the rise of the polling industry. “Polls don’t take the pulse of democracy,” she writes, “they raise it.” You’ll want to read Lepore’s essay for nuggets like this one: “In 1977, the R.N.C. acquired a mainframe computer, while the D.N.C. got its own mainframe in the eighties….Democratic technological advances awaited the personal computer; the R.N.C. is to I.B.M. as the D.N.C. is to Apple.”

  • It’s rare to see good in-depth writing about the actual challenges of political organizing in the mainstream media, let alone two days in a row, so go read David Roberts essay in Vox on “What critics of the Keystone campaign misunderstand about climate activism.”

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LIABILITIES

LIABILITIES

Injury or death at your home-share? Airbnb isn’t at fault; how predatory payday lenders hide online; and more.

  • First, the bad news: While home-renting “home-sharing” start-up Airbnb has taken steps to protect hosts from unruly guests, it’s done little to protect guests from unsafe hosts beyond inviting them to down-rate them after a bad experience. Writing for Medium’s Matter section, Zak Stone tells the harrowing story of his father’s untimely death trying out a tree swing at an Airbnb rental (the tree was rotten to the core and fell on him), pointing out that the company “disclaims all liability” and does nothing to insure that its hosts’ properties are safe, unlike traditional B&B services. Stone makes a damning indictment, pointing out that the company has been willing to spend money on improving what their hosts do when it fits its business model. He notes that it figured out early on that ugly photos of its listing in New York City were keeping guests away, so it invested in hiring professional photographers to document properties for free. He writes:

    Of course, were Airbnb to invest in safety requirements by offering home inspections or by analyzing photo content to target higher-risk properties and features (pools, saunas, trampolines, etc.) with site-specific safety recommendations, such a program could be far more costly, and might jeopardize Airbnb’s covetable neutrality as a platform. The irony is that amateur innkeepers who couldn’t be trusted with the banal task of photographing and marketing their properties are expected to excel at hospitality’s most important rule: keeping guests safe and alive. The result: Airbnb is willing to send someone to make sure your trees look beautiful in their photos, but won’t deal with whether or not those trees will fall on your head.

  • While predatory payday lenders have been pushed into the shadows by statewide crackdowns, Jack Smith IV of Mic.com reports on a new study from the civil rights data consulting firm Upturn that how “they hide on the other end of Google searches, waiting for terms like ‘need help paying rent’ to offer their services.” He notes that Facebook bans all payday loan ads, while Google’s approach is more porous.

  • A new joint report from the Center for Public Integrity and Global Integrity finds that “secrecy, corruption, and conflicts of interest pervade state governments” in America. The report scored each state across hundreds of variables related to the transparency and accountability of its government. (Full disclosure: I was a reviewer for the New York state section.)

  • Next, some good news: If anyone tells you that outside-the-Beltway grassroots organizing doesn’t work anymore, read this very timely piece by Ben Adler on how climate change activists from Canada’s First Nations and Nebraska’s rancher community and the 350.org digital network built the five-year campaign that on Friday, with President Obama’s announcement, stopped the Keystone XL pipeline.

  • Writing for the Harvard Business Review, longtime tech guru Doc Searls explains why ad blocking is on the rise and the adtech industry (read: microtargeting) is about to crash.

  • Little noticed victory from Election Day: 44 cities, towns and counties in Colorado passed referenda giving themselves the authority to build their own community broadband networks, Jon Brodkin reports for Ars Technica.

  • A new Democratic voter registration group called iVote, led by Obama campaign organizing veteran Jeremy Bird, is pushing to make voter registration automatic when people update their driver’s licenses, Michael Shear reports for the New York Times.

  • The New York Times rolled out its “virtual reality” journalism initiative Sunday, delivering free Google Cardboard viewers to its paper subscribers and publishing a multimedia report on child refugees around the world. The effort is very impressive, but am I the only person who wishes they called it “immersive reality”? (This ain’t Second Life, after all.)

  • President Obama’s digital team, led by Jason Goldman and Kori Schulman, is hard at work building a personal online identity for the president, Julie Hirschfeld Davis reports for the New York Times.

  • This is civic tech: Civic Hall member Joel Natividad and his company Ontodia has announced the launch of its “Civic Dashboards” product, which includes a data portal, performance management tools, analytics-as-a-service with built-in templates for tools like crime maps, economic activity tracking and open source civic-tech projects.

  • Accela’s Mark Headd offers some deep thoughts on the development of “government as a platform” ten years after Tim O’Reilly first popularized the concept, and argues that rather than expecting governments to plan, develop and maintain big, expensive APIs, we should focus instead on building microservices.

  • The new director of the Sunlight Foundation’s Sunlight Labs is Kat Duffy, who was previously at the State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor where she designed and oversaw a grant portfolio that emphasized “data visualization, tool development for independent media organizations, customized application adaptation and end-user assessments, software localization, and support for internet freedom and open data advocacy initiatives,” the foundation announced Friday. Welcome Kat!

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MIND SHARES

MIND SHARES

The most militarized universities in America; Prop F loses in SF & Airbnb rejoices; and more.

  • Warning shot: Proposition F, the controversial San Francisco ballot measure that would have curbed short-term home rentals, lost with 45 percent of the vote Tuesday, as did a proposed 18-month moratorium on new market-rate development in the Mission neighborhood, Emily Badger reports for the Washington Post. But as she notes, the issue of housing affordability in San Francisco isn’t about to go away.
  • Airbnb’s Chris Lehane, who spearheaded the company’s massive lobbying effort against Prop F, lauded the vote on the company’s policy blog as “A victory for the middle class.” The longtime Democratic political operative’s language notably refers repeatedly to “middle class families’ right to share their home” and the “home sharing community,” though as best as I can tell very few hosts on Airbnb actually share their homes with anyone, according to the word’s old-fashioned dictionary definition. George Orwell would be proud of Lehane.

  • As Conor Dougherty and Mike Isaac report for the New York Times, companies like Airbnb and Uber are fighting local regulators “by turning their users into a vast political operation that can be mobilized at any sign of a threat.” With that in mind, they describe Lehane’s Prop F victory press conference in San Francisco “as a warning shot to other cities thinking about proposing new regulations.”

  • Indeed, it’s hard not to read Lehane’s blog post without thinking of Airbnb as a political campaign—one that is steeped in the data-driven field organizing techniques honed by the Obama campaigns. He writes: “This election was a victory for the middle class and it was made possible by the 138,000 members of the Airbnb community who had individual conversations with over 105,000 voters, knocked on 285,000 doors, including 55,000 today, and worked to generate support from more than 2,000 small, family-owned businesses in the city. This effort shows that home sharing is both a community and a movement.”

  • While we’re on the topic of Orwellian language (aka “Spinglish“), David Plouffe, President Obama’s former campaign manager and now the chief adviser and board member of Uber, recently shared this post on Uber’s “Under the Hood” policy blog, titled “Racing to rideshare.” It too makes no mention of anyone charging anyone else for anything and brags repeatedly about Uber as a “ridesharing” service.

  • Campaign tech: Matt Lira, the former deputy executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (and a friend of PDM), says the reason why Republicans are getting beat by Democrats in the small-donor fundraising game isn’t something technological, like the lack of “unifying one-click donation platform” like ActBlue: “This is a cultural challenge. The largest Republican campaigns and organizations simply are not synced up on this issue; greater cooperation in this area would have an outsized influence on the problem.”

  • User rights: Responding to Monday’s release of the Ranking Digital Rights report, Yahoo’s Business and Human Rights Program has blogged that it is “actively studying the results of the Index and will be discussing the findings with our teams. We are also looking forward to the important conversations that RDR’s Index will spark about company disclosures and policies affecting users’ free expression and privacy.”

  • It’s not an explicit response to the report, but yesterday Twitter announced a new policy hub where the company plans to centralize information about the company’s political efforts as well as policy issues affecting its users. We heart that.

  • Culture wars:The long-running reality TV show Mythbusters just announced that next year’s season will be its last, and on the New York Times oped page, James Meigs, the former editor of Popular Mechanics, pens a lovely piece praising it for having “taught a whole generation how science works and why it matters.”

  • Deep, deep lobbying: If you wonder where so much bad thinking about cyber-security policy comes from, set aside time to read William Arkin and Alexa O’Brien’s detailed report for Vice News on “The Most Militarized Universities in America.” The rankings are based on a dataset of more than 90,000 individuals who have worked in the intelligence community since 9/11, which is just six percent of all the people in the US with a Top Secret clearance, and they document a vast expansion in national security academic funding. They write:

    The gloomy result is that the academy (and by extension the philanthropic world) has failed to establish a post-9/11 academic program to cultivate the next generation of scholars who can offer a genuinely civilian counter-narrative to the national security state similar to the civilian arms control community created during the Cold War. Even at the most elite schools that rank in the top 100, the many centers and research institutes focusing on warfare and terrorism are predominantly adjuncts of the national security state

  • Eric Raymond, the author of the influential open-source bible “The Cathedral and the Bazaar,” has turned to the bizarre world of “manospheric derangement,” Jesse Singal writes for New York magazine. How so? By elevating a totally unsourced allegation that women-in-tech feminists have been trying to entrap men using “honey pots” and then accusing them of attempted assault, and that their chief target is the founder of Linux, Linus Torvalds. Singal’s eloquent take-down is worth reading not just for its depressing content but also for its style: “The peristaltic movement of the misogynist web finally nudged the story to its inevitable destination…” Now that is writing, my friends.

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ROUNDS

ROUNDS

Where New Yorkers can weigh in on the congestion issue; the TPP and the #IoT; and more.

  • U.S. Chief Technology Officer Megan Smith tells Alex Howard of the Huffington Post that she thinks civic tech is the next big thing: “I was there at the beginning of the smart phone, the beginning of open source. I think this is like that. It’s the start of something much bigger.”

  • New on Civicist from our Jessica McKenzie: How researchers at Cornell University have built a “smart participation” tool to improve public comment processes, which is now being used to invite the New York City public to weigh in on congestion and the ongoing dispute between City Hall and transportation network companies like Uber.

  • “Many people are driving on the Uber platform to get the pay raise they have not received in their other jobs,” writes David Plouffe, the company’s senior adviser. In other words, Uber does what unions used to do.

  • Becky Hogge looked at six case studies of open government data usage in the U.K. for the Omidyar Network, and found that “Private actors have taken government data, and they have transformed it in ways that are useful and valuable to citizens and consumers. Far more time and money has been invested in government data than it is possible to imagine the government ever having done by itself. The impact of this investment, though not always quantifiable, is in most cases tangible and scalable, if not already ‘at scale.’”

  • In San Francisco, grants are called “philanthropic rounds.” That’s what health-care crowdfunding nonprofit Watsi is celebrating, as donors including Ron Conway, Tencent, and Paul Graham have just given $3.5 million to fund its operations for the next two years, as Josh Constine reports for Techcrunch.

  • Cory Doctorow reports for BoingBoing on how the just-released text of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade treaty seeks to prevent governments from requiring that “internet of things” products like cars and other regulated devices make their software open for inspection.

  • It’s not too late to register for the annual Nonprofit Software Development Summit, hosted by Aspiration November 18-20 in Oakland.

  • Aimee Lee Ball reports for the New York Times on the rising trend of “all-gender bathrooms,” including our own here at Civic Hall. And, yes, there’s an app for that: Refuge Restrooms, which shows the location of all-gender bathrooms nationwide.

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HEART BEATS

HEART BEATS

Civic Hall launches Rethinking Debates; Google.org donates millions to racial justice movement; and more.

  • Debates 2.0: Welcome aboard Christine Cupaiuolo, our new Civic Engagement Fellow, who will be leading our Rethinking Debates project. She’ll be reporting on how political debates around the world are using innovative formats and social media, focusing on examples that help make these crucial public events more informative, engaging, and responsive to the concerns of voters. Here’s her first post.

  • This is civic tech: Writing for Medium’s Backchannel, Susan Crawford reports on a pioneering open data project in Louisville, Kentucky, where the city’s commitment to make all municipal public information “open by default” combined with a local business focused on serving the blind and the local Civic Data Alliance produced a drastically improved version of Open Street Map that can now support many new third-party apps and services.

  • Columbus, Ohio, is the home of the world’s first “B-celerator,” reports Susan Post for Metropreneur, where David All and Christine Deye of Civic Hacks are focusing on helping new businesses through the process of becoming certified as B-corporations. (Yes, that’s the same David All who was once Rep. Jack Kingston’s communications director and the vanguard of a pod of young Republicans who pressed their party to embrace technology before it was cool.)

  • There’s a lot of nascent civic tech in this new round of Knight Prototype Fund grantees, each of whom is getting $35,000 in support, design training, and peer networking opportunities. The winners include Billcam (which aims to add transparency to the legislative process), CityGram (which makes it easier for local governments to connect with citizens), the U.S. Vote Foundation’s local election dates and deadlines API, IdeaMapr (which helps communities understand and join in on local government decision making), and @Stake by Emerson College’s Engagement Lab.

  • Bryan Breckenridge and Anne Maloney of Box.org have authored a useful whitepaper on why it’s important to “fund tech for nonprofits.” They note that currently, most nonprofits spend no more than 10 percent of their budgets on tech, and many large NGOs allocate only 1 percent – 2.5 percent of their annual income to tech. They add:

    For many organizations that do fund tech, they’ve limited it to the “sexiest” areas of program-side investment while ignoring an organization’s need to shore up its foundational data and content collection, management, analytics, and sharing layer… the “plumbing”: ERP (Enterprise Resource Planning), CRM (Constituent Relationship Management), ECM (Enterprise Content Management), Identity Management, communications systems, productivity and collaboration tools, grant management, etc. and the headcount and know-how to run them well. Underinvestment and lacking capacity in plumbing are two of the main reasons organizations struggle to scale overall and rise and crash in a highly turbulent project-to-project life cycle.

  • Speaking of which, Google.org is giving $2.35 million to community organizations in the San Francisco Bay Area that are on the forefront of the racial justice movement, Jessica Guynn reports for USA Today. The funding includes two grants of $500,000 to the Ella Baker Center in Oakland, one to support Patrisse Cullors of Black Lives Matter, and another to support a worker training program.

  • Our troubled times: A new study from Common Sense Media finds new evidence of the digital divide’s impact on young people. As Natasha Singer of the New York Times writes, “Only one-fourth of teenagers in households with less than $35,000 in annual income said they had their own laptops compared with 62 percent in households with annual incomes of $100,000 or more, according to the report.” Try typing a homework essay on your smartphone, for one reason why this matters.

  • Micah Lakin Avni, whose father Richard Lakin was stabbed to death by Palestinian attackers in Jerusalem three weeks ago, calls on Facebook and other social network platforms to do a more pro-active job of removing “blatant incitement” from their sites before waiting for complaints to arise.

  • If you are wondering why Twitter’s decision to replace the “favorite” star with a “like” heart has created such tumult in the Twittersphere, read this august piece by technosociologist Zeynep Tufekci about the problems with Facebook’s “like” button. As she writes, “Not everything in life is ‘like’-able. We cannot like refugee kids wading among dead bodies. And we cannot directly tell Facebook’s algorithm that we still care about this, or find it important.”

  • Tech and campaigns: Civic engagement start-up Brigade tested an interactive ballot guide for voters in the Bay Area and Manchester, New Hampshire, yesterday, and as Dawn Chmielewski reports for Re/Code, the company’s engineers are hoping to learn if that made its users more likely to pledge support for candidates or recruit friends as a result.

  • ActBlue, the Democratic online fundraising hub, gets a glowing profile in the New York Times from Eric Lichtblau and Nick Corasaniti.

  • Chris Gates of the Sunlight Foundation offers a useful list of questions for the 2016 presidential candidates, all pertaining to measuring their commitment to “a more open and data-driven government.”

  • Today in snake oil sales: Apparently polling and data science isn’t enough for some political consultants; now they’re selling “neuropolitics,” reports Kevin Randall for the New York Times. As he reports, “According to campaign records, the campaigns of presidents and prime ministers on at least three continents have hired science consultants to scan voters’ brains, bodies, and faces, all with the aim of heightening their emotional resonance with the electorate.”

  • Take note: Our friends up the block at the Data & Society Institute are looking for their next group of fellows, for the 2016-17 cycle. Apply here—the deadline is December 1.

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SURFACING

SURFACING

Anonymous outs alleged KKK members; Silicon Valley’s philanthropy; and more.

  • Votebnb: The sharing economy is on the ballot tomorrow in San Francisco, where Proposition F, which would limit short-term home rentals, is pitting Airbnb against the San Francisco tenants union, Conor Dougherty reports for the New York Times. He notes that several other ballot propositions “are either directly or indirectly related to the technology industry and housing costs. In addition to ‘the Airbnb thing,’ there are two affordable-housing measures and a proposal to help old-line businesses make rent in neighborhoods that are filling up with boutiques and organic restaurants.”

  • Related: Nancy Watzman of the Internet Archive reports that, as that San Francisco vote nears, ads opposing Prop F are running at a rate of 100-1 compared to ads supporting the measure. “Audio fingerprinting of YouTube-hosted advertising was used to identify the same ads in local station programming and cable news networks available in the region, from August 25 through October 26,” she writes.

  • Unmasking: After months of relative quiet, the hacker network Anonymous is resurfacing this week with “Operation KKK.” Timed to coincide with the first anniversary of the Ferguson protests, the group has started posting personal contact information of people it alleges are KKK members, reports Anthony Cuthbertson of the International Business Times. The group claims Senators Tom Tillis (R-NC), John Cornyn (R-TX), and Dan Coats (R-IN) are Klan members, along with several mayors.

  • Hard not to quote this headline from The Register: “Anonymous hack group plans to out anonymous hate group.” With the 5th of November around the corner, Anonymous is also promising a “Million Mask March” in hundreds of cities worldwide this Thursday.

  • Following the money: Alessandra Stanley packed a lot of truth into this essay on “Silicon Valley’s New Philanthropy” in Sunday’s New York Times. Most telling: for all his talk of “disruption,” the head of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation, Emmett Carson, which sits on nearly $5 billion from tech donors, has this to say about the Ford Foundation’s new focus on fighting income inequality: “West Coast philanthropy is not influenced by East Coast pronouncements,” he sniffed.

  • Related: Here’s a progress report from four community foundations (including SVCF) on what they are learning from funding media projects that assist in meeting local information needs, written by Steve Outing and posted on the Knight Foundation’s blog. The four foundations—the Dodge Foundation, Silicon Valley Community Foundation, Incourage Community Foundation and the Chicago Community Trust—were winners of the Knight Community Information Challenge, which offered matching funding to local foundations launching news and information projects.

  • Race and place: After examining millions of records, Vocativ’s Jennings Brown and Gerald Rich found more than 1,400 federally recognized places with names that are racial slurs.

  • Amina Elahi reports for the Chicago Tribune on Women of Color in Tech, which is making free stock photos showing people from underrepresented groups who are software engineers, IT analysts and security professionals in tech settings.

  • This is civic tech: The big news from SeeClickFix founder Ben Berkowitz is that starting in 2016, the city-centric problem-solving platform will making it easy for users to communicate laterally with each other. This will make it possible for neighbors to network with neighbors around common concerns, and government officials to connect directly with each other. Either way, it’s an important qualitative improvement in SCF’s platform, which just tallied its two-millionth user report.

  • The Women Who Tech Startup Challenge NYC is coming up Tuesday November 9. RSVP here.

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First Post

WHO DOES CIVIC TECH HELP?

WHO DOES CIVIC TECH HELP?

What the open data movement left out; mySociety surveys civic tech demographics; and more.

  • mySociety’s research director Rebecca Rumbul has released an important new study, “Who benefits from civic technology?” It’s the first fruit of mySociety’s big new thrust into user and impact research on civic tech. The report looks at variations in usage of civic tech—defined as technologies “that enable citizens to hold governments to account”—in the U.S., U.K., Kenya, and South Africa, and examines the attitudes of users towards the platforms they are using. A total of 3,705 online survey responses were collected. The sites were FixMyStreet and TheyWorkForYou in the U.K., GovTrack and SeeClickFix in the U.S., Mzalendo in Kenya and People’s Assembly in South Africa. (Other country sites were also in the study but did not generate enough user responses to be statistically useful.)

  • The report found that in the U.K. and the U.S., the vast majority of users of these sites (FixMyStreet and GovTrack, specifically) are older, with roughly half over the age of 55. The opposite is true in Kenya and South Africa. Men account for 2/3 or more of the users except in the U.S. case, where the gender breakdown was even. In the U.K. and South Africa, whites use these sites disproportionately more than their share of the population (that question was not included by the sites in the U.S. and Kenya). Across the board, these civic tech sites attract users who are not surprisingly highly political engaged and better educated than the general population.

  • Here’s one of Rumbul’s key normative findings: “[the] data tells us that in the U.K. and U.S., civic technology users at least in some ways resemble the existing dominant class, and that this class has recognized the potential of civic technology to facilitate and amplify effective civic interaction, whether that be in tracking political information on welfare, researching legislative progress for professional purposes or maintaining the local community environment. This has significant implications for civic technology implementers. Many groups conceive of civic technology as a tool for effective and accessible democratic action. The digital environment is thought to reduce traditional barriers to engagement and access experienced by the less engaged groups within society. If, however, digital democracy tools are predominantly being used by a homogeneous group already dominant in society, this has the potential to skew policy and practical interventions in favor of this dominant group, at the same time compounding disadvantage amongst less dominant groups in society.”

  • This is a very important and sobering conclusion. But we should be careful not to over-interpret this finding. mySociety’s study did not look directly at economic class, so it’s possible that these civic tech platforms are actually helping empower some people who otherwise wouldn’t be in the position to “pay to play” in the political arena the way the top one percent do. It also looked at a narrow band of civic tech platforms: the generic parliamentary transparency sites (GovTrack and TheyWorkForYou) and two community problem-solving platforms (FixMyStreet and SeeClickFix). Notably, it doesn’t provide any user data from the SeeClickFix sample (by the way, the company hit its two-millionth report yesterday and is today launching some impressive new neighbor engagement features). It would be edifying to spread the net wider to include platforms like Vermont’s Front Porch Forum and Minneapolis’ e-democracy, as well the growing array of mobile-centric civic engagement platforms. Finally, civic tech is a bigger field than just government accountability tools. Defining it that narrowly leaves out vital projects like Democracy Works, which focus on helping people register and vote; or the Smart Chicago Collaborative, which makes tools with its urban and working-class community, or whole urban ecosystems like what is happening in Detroit. As Microsoft’s CivicGraph shows, the civic tech ecosystem is much bigger than just the sites mySociety surveyed. So while the issues Rumbul raises are real, more research is needed before saying this is the whole story.

  • Mark Headd chews on the mySociety survey and takes heart that it shows that many users of these sites believe that they are useful, and that using them makes them more confident to engage public officials. But he also notes that if public officials aren’t more responsive as a result, the promise of accountability offered by these sites could lead to disillusionment.

  • Related: On Medium, Abhi Nemani, who was until recently Los Angeles’s first chief data officer and before that one of Code for America’s principals, asks whether the open data movement in the United States has taken the wrong track and should have been fighting all along for governments to modernize their digital services rather than just opening up their data.

  • On Civicist, Eilis O’Neill reports on civic hackers who are taking on the fracking industry as well as other environmental causes.

  • Jason Putorti, a co-founder of Brigade and Votizen, now at Bessemer Venture Partners, offers his idiosyncratic guide to companies working on several major challenges facing American democracy.

  • On FounderDating, Ron Bouganim, the founder of the GovTech Fund, explains why he thinks offering new technology services to government agencies and employees is a huge growth opportunity.

  • Engine is partnering with the Technology Association of Iowa and the Cedar Rapids Gazette to hold a Presidential Tech Town Hall in Cedar Rapids on December 7.

  • Democracy Works, the people who brought us Turbovote, is looking to hire a software developer. If you apply, you have to use this subject line: “Will code for democracy.”

  • SavetheInternet.in posts a scathing open letter to Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, who visited India again this week and held a townhall-style meeting in New Delhi.

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First Post

MACHINE LEARNINGS

MACHINE LEARNINGS

Big Apps semifinalists; The Electome; Uber Under the Hood; and more.

  • This is civic tech: The annual NYC Big Apps competition just announced the 2015 semifinalists, in the categories of affordable housing, zero waste, connected cities and citizen engagement. Congrats to several Civic Hall members Melanie Lavelle of the Benefit Kitchen team, Maria Yuan of Issue Voter, and Sanjaya Punyasena of Simpolfy.

  • The Knight Foundation is giving $648,000 to MIT’s Laboratory for Social Machines for a new campaign analytics project called The Electome. Research scientist William Powers explains the project’s goals: to move beyond the politicians and media’s fixation on the horse race, and to listen more closely to citizen voices and see if candidates and journalists are responding to those concerns. Twitter has given the lab (which it funds) a gift for this project, too–the full firehouse of 500 million new tweets written each day. The project also plans to use data fro Facebook, Reddit and Google searches, and the Washington Post and Mashable will be working directly with it as well.

  • The Electome could be a transformative project, as a Knight press release outlines: “In development since last spring, the Electome is designed to create real-time, comprehensive map tracking election-related content and show the connections between three main information sources: the media and journalists, messaging from the candidates, and public conversations on social media. It will look to use computer science tools, such as machine learning and natural language processing, to trace the election’s narratives as they form, spread, morph and decline – identifying who and what influences these dynamics and outcomes.”

  • Two questions from this corner: Will the Electome’s algorithms be open for inspection by others? And will its editorial decisions be open? Let’s hope so. I’ll let you know what I find out.

  • Democratic presidential candidate Martin O’Malley is taking his civic tech pitch competition to Boston’s District Hall next Wednesday, Jon Chesto reports for the Boston Globe.


  • Luke Fretwell, the founder of the civic tech blog GovFresh, offers some useful suggestions on how to improve a set of proposals made by the state’s Little Hoover Commission. The bipartisan commission, which is tasked with government oversight, is calling on the governor and legislature to create a new post of chief customer officer along with an internal digital services team. It also wants the state government to focus on open data and human-centered design.
  • The web we want? Writing for Fortune magazine, Mathew Ingram explains how Facebook’s Instant Articles and Twitter’s new Moments feature are jointly killing the web link, and ponders whether that is bad thing. Here’s one reason why it is, as he writes: “because Facebook controls the algorithm that determines what users see or don’t see, then it gets to decide what the news is, and what is important. And that’s a potential problem if Facebook chooses to delete disturbing images or news stories about war and promote peaceful happy stories instead. In some cases, information disappears from Facebook and the social network never explains why.”

  • Seventy-two feminist and civil rights organizations have asked the US Department of Education to issue guidelines to colleges that would urge them to ban Yik Yak and other anonymous social media apps in the interest of stopping the harassment of marginalized students, Amanda Hess reports for Slate. She argues that this is a dumb idea, and points out that while Yik Yak has been used on campuses by racists and homophobes to target students, it has also been used to quickly rally visible support for suicidal students and victims of homophobia. She also notes that “no social network has been more aggressive about stemming harassment and encouraging community than Yik Yak has.”

  • Sara Watson of the Tow Center is building an annotated guide to “Constructive Technology Criticism,” and she’s posted it up on Medium so folks can add their comments in the margins.

  • Uber just launched a policy blog called “Uber Under the Hood” and the Washington Post’s Brian Fung has the preview.